Theses and Dissertations (Political Sciences)
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Item Beyond single-theory explanations: offensive realism and role theory in analysing US and South African responses to international humanitarian law violations during the Israel-Gaza WarGittings, Xanthe (University of Pretoria, 2025-08)This mini dissertation challenges the pattern of selective theoretical application in International Relations (IR) scholarship regarding state responses to International Humanitarian Law (IHL) violations. In analysing state responses to the Israel-Gaza war, it was observed that existing literature predominantly explains the United States of America’s (US) actions as motivated by material concerns such as security, but attributes South Africa’s actions to ideational factors such as historical experiences, despite both states reacting to the same situation. As a result, this study questions what the benefits and limitations of applying both offensive realism and role theory to IHL implementation cases are, when compared to a single-theory approach. In addressing this question, this research employed a multiple case study approach, systematically applying both theoretical frameworks to analyse US and South African responses to IHL violations during the Israel-Gaza war. Additionally, an analysis of government documents released by both states was conducted using a custom Python program to identify role conceptions. The findings reveal that neither theoretical framework alone fully captures either state’s behaviour. Role theory is useful in explaining actions that align with a state’s identity and values but lack strategic motivations. Conversely, offensive realism effectively explains actions that serve a strategic purpose but appear inconsistent with state values. Applying both frameworks to the case studies enhances explanatory and predictive power by better capturing the complexity of state actions and accounting for unexpected or contradictory behaviour. This study, therefore, advocates for theoretical pluralism in future IR research on state responses to IHL violations.Item The Securitisation of Wildlife Crime Within the Southern African Development Community (SADC): Policy Practices in Botswana and South AfricaCerejo, Erika (University of Pretoria, 2026-03-18)This study examines the securitisation of wildlife crime in Southern African Development Community (SADC), with a comparative focus on Botswana and South Africa. Against the backdrop of rising transnational organised wildlife crime and its growing recognition as a non-traditional security threat, the research assesses whether securitised measures constitute an effective and sustainable policy response. Drawing on constructivist and securitisation theory, the study explores how wildlife crime has been framed as an existential threat, enabling the adoption of extraordinary measures such as militarised conservation and enhanced law enforcement strategies. Using a qualitative analysis, the research evaluates the nature, implementation, and outcomes of securitised approaches in both countries. It contributes to the broader debate on the environment-security nexus by critically evaluating the role of securitisation in conservation policy and its implications for both national and human security. It finds that while securitisation has contributed to short-term gains in enforcement and heightened political prioritisation, its outcomes remain uneven and raise concerns regarding sustainability, governance, and unintended socio-political consequences. Furthermore, the study highlights the limitations of predominantly national responses to a fundamentally transnational problem, underscoring gaps in regional cooperation within SADC frameworks. The study concludes that securitisation, while useful as an immediate response, should be complemented by long-term, coordinated regional strategies that address the structural drivers of wildlife crime.Item An institutional evaluation of declining voter turnout in South African general elections, 1999-2019Modise, Obakeng Naledi (University of Pretoria, 2025-11-13)This thesis introduces a new level of analysis in the study of voter turnout in South Africa. Current discourse focuses largely on socio-economic and demographic variables, while the influence of institutional factors is under-researched. In response, this study examines the impact of the electoral system and electoral laws on voter turnout in South Africa. It is commonly argued that a Proportional Representation (PR) system stimulates voter turnout due to the principle of proportionality, the existence of multiple political parties and voter efficacy. However, South Africa has recorded a decline in voter turnout between 1999 and 2019. Although declining turnout is a global phenomenon, it remains an important area of enquiry, particularly in an emerging democracy such as South Africa. Through a triangulation of the existing literature, Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) Voter Participation Survey data and Afrobarometer survey data, this study finds that, similar to other parts of the world, multipartyism has depressed turnout – not because of the sheer number of political parties represented in Parliament or contesting elections, but because the electoral system led to one-party dominance. Furthermore, voter efficacy is also declining, while disillusionment and apathy are increasing. This study contributes to the broader field of voter behaviour and argues that the decline in voter turnout in South Africa results from a combination of attitudinal and institutional factors.Item Commissions of Inquiry as Transformational Leadership: AU Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan’s approach to sexual violenceNyoni, Shuvai B (University of Pretoria, 2025)This study seeks to understand if Commissions of Inquiry can transform the condition of people affected by sexual violence in conflict settings. Using a leadership conceptual framing and examining the work of the African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan (AUCISS) the study draws conclusions on the transformative impact of the AU’s intervention in South Sudan. The primary question at the core of this research is: Did the African Union (AU) Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan (AUCISS) transform the situation of people affected by sexual violence in the South Sudanese civil war? If so, how and if not, why? This study deploys transformational leadership as a conceptual frame to identify what transformation in relation to conflict-related sexual violence is and to determine the ways in which AUCISS could be said to have had a transformative impact. The research employs a qualitative approach, using historical and archival material, and drawing on documents from the African Union archives and online repositories generated from the work of the AUCISS. The thesis also relies on interviews with key informants including members of the Commission, the Secretariat and relevant actors in South Sudan who interacted with the Commission; and observations from interactions with selected civil society, faith based, displaced and refugee organisations and communities. This thesis found that the AUCISS made three significant contributions to the ecosystem of conflict-related sexual and other forms of gendered violence, which together constitute the core of its transformative influence on selected actors and stakeholders in South Sudan.Item The effectiveness of preferential trade agreements in strengthening economic diplomacy: US–SA partnership under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)Mosia, Lebogang (University of Pretoria, 2025-10-31)Between 2024 and 2025, we have witnessed an extreme breakdown in United States and South Africa diplomatic relations in contemporary history. This has raised concerns regarding the key fundamental assertions of developmental and neo liberal scholars, who argue that the existence of a trade agreement, whether a Free Trade Agreement or a Preferential Trade Agreement, will by its very nature increase cooperation and strengthen relations between countries. The diplomatic breakdown between the United States and South Africa therefore compels us to analyse the effectiveness of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTA) in strengthening economic relations, by examining the United States and South Africa partnership under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The paper employs a qualitative research methodology to assess existing literature and key theories of international relations and diplomacy. It examines the realist and liberalist schools of thought on the role of the key players, namely the state and non-state institutions. These theories also explore the tools, instruments, and processes used to strengthen economic diplomatic relations. In addition, dependency theory is applied to understand the North South relations that appear to define the relationship between the United States and South Africa. It is also important to evaluate the history of United States and South Africa relations through different phases and major international events. The paper further examines the nature of the international system and the positions of the two main players within it. The current global shift from West to East has had an impact on how these states relate to one another. The study also considers other major players such as China, the European Union, and the African Continental Free Trade Area as comparative case studies. Lastly, the paper concludes by acknowledging the strength of the Preferential Trade Agreement based on economic trends and impact, while recognising its shortcomings in strengthening diplomatic relations. Recommendations are offered, including reform of the African Growth and Opportunity Act, the pursuit of a bilateral trade agreement, and increased involvement of non-state actors. Key words Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA), Free Trade Agreement (FTA), African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA), Economic Diplomacy, US-SA RelationsItem Health diplomacy as a tool for better global health: identifying challenges and opportunitiesKubeka, Sigcino Tevin (University of Pretoria, 2025-12-12)The third and seventeenth Sustainable Development Goals “Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all ages”, and “Partnership for the goals”, recognize the threat to human survival posed by diseases of countless kinds, as well as the indispensable importance of working together as the global community to achieve the United Nations SDGs. In a world largely characterized by inequality and human suffering, the ever-growing threat of global pandemics and the collapse of health facilities, it becomes critical for actors of different kinds to join hands against a common enemy for the so called ‘greater good’. As evidenced by recent pandemics, both ‘past’ and ongoing like the AIDS pandemic and COVID-19 which peaked in 2020/21, collective action on the promotion of health is an indispensable tool towards better health. Using International Relations theories such as Realism, as well as Constructivism, this study interrogates the possibility and motivation for states as main actors, as well as non-state actors for working together in Health Diplomacy. Contrasting self-interest with shared values and objectives, the study teases out nuance in the debate and practice of Health Diplomacy. By tracking the evolution of Health Diplomacy as far back as the Declaration of Alma Ata, the study discusses some of the core pillars and the roles of different actors, from governments to private organizations in shaping discourse and practice. With a significant focus on multilateral platforms, the study underscores the potential for Health Diplomacy to not only strengthen global health, but also diplomacy; as good health is seen as a universal objective despite institutional and political limitations. Although the Declaration of Alma-Ata is largely considered as the cornerstone of Health Diplomacy, as well as the subsequent agreements sought to institutionalize cooperation between states, the victories of Health Diplomacy have been very limited. This limitation has prompted the topic of this study, which is to identify the stumbling blocks in the forms of challenges, as well as the opportunities that can be exploited to advance Health Diplomacy. Looking at the Global Health Security Agenda as an attempt to encourage and institutionalize multi-stakeholder participation, as well as the National Action Plan for Health Security, the study highlights the limits that come with the overreliance on voluntary engagement and/or contribution, as well as the limit in resources for poor countries from the global South. From the manner in which Health Diplomacy has evolved since the Declaration of Alma-Ata, the study identifies three challenges that have served as barriers to growth of the practice, namely; Vaccine Nationalism, weak integration between health and foreign policy sectors, as well as structural inequalities and marginalization of the global South. The study then goes on to identify three opportunities that can be exploited in order to advance the global health project, namely; Multi-stakeholder partnerships, health as a bridge for cooperation, and leveraging digital health technologies.Item Youth voter withdrawal and its effects on the governance of South AfricaRadebe, Scelimpilo N (University of Pretoria, 2025-10)South African youth make up more than one third of the country’s population, yet their influence is not fully reflected as their participation in the national and provincial elections continue to decrease. Since 2014, voters between the age of 18-29 have recorded the lowest voter turnout in the National and Provincial Elections. As a result, this demographic is missing its opportunity to shape and implement the policies that address their specific issues. This study uses the three election periods between 2014 2024 to identify the factors that influence youth withdrawal and examine its effects on policy development and governance. This desktop study uses qualitative research methods including academic journals, accredited online sources and existing statistical data as well as the thematic analysis to indicate the trends of this voter withdrawal. The ladder of citizen participation theory is used as a framework to illustrate how voter participation, especially among youth, can potentially influence governance and administrative processes. The study also looks at possible measures that can be used to encourage the youth to influence the administrative processes governing them.Item Advancing South Africa`s soft power with cultural diplomacy and "new" public diplomacy as diplomatic practiceSegoati, Thapalatse Ephodia (University of Pretoria, 2025-11)This mini-dissertation examines the integration of soft power, cultural diplomacy, and ‘new’ public diplomacy as complementary instruments for enhancing South Africa’s diplomatic practice. While these concepts appear mutually reinforcing, the study seeks to address the inherent fragmentation and policy incoherence that characterise their current application within South Africa’s foreign policy environment. The research argues that the absence of a cohesive and coordinated policy framework has resulted in a disjointed approach that limits the country’s ability to fully leverage its soft power resources. Drawing on a qualitative literature review and conceptual analysis, the study develops an integrated framework that positions soft power as the power of attraction, cultural diplomacy as its practical instrument, and ‘new’ public diplomacy as the communication mechanism through which influence is projected. The study seeks to address how these three concepts can be conceptually integrated and practically applied to enhance a state’s diplomatic efforts in advancing its soft power, with particular reference to the South African context. The research demonstrates that South Africa possesses significant soft power resources, including its democratic transition, rich cultural heritage, Ubuntu philosophy, and active participation in multilateral institutions. However, the study seeks to address the challenges posed by policy fragmentation, institutional silos, inconsistent messaging, limited funding, and the absence of a formal cultural diplomacy strategy, all of which undermine the country’s global influence and diplomatic effectiveness. By applying the conceptual framework to the mandates and activities of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation and the Department of Sport, Arts and Culture, the study concludes that South Africa requires a unified and deliberate soft power strategy. Institutional coordination, increased investment, and the formalisation of cultural diplomacy are essential to enhance South Africa’s diplomatic effectiveness and position the country as a leading soft power actor in Africa and beyond.Item Restructuring port ownership in South Africa to prevent corruptionMiddelberg, Carika (University of Pretoria, 2025-10)This dissertation uses Transnet’s ports as an exploratory case study to investigate governance restructuring as a potential approach to eliminate corruption and introduce the private sector as an accountability mechanism in South African state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Furthermore, the dissertation examines whether business restructuring might address the systemic weaknesses that enable systematic corruption. By using systems theory as an analytical framework, the dissertation delves into the possible outcomes of varying degrees of private sector participation - complete privatisation, private-public partnerships, or the current tender process- and how the corresponding business structures might affect corruption and increase accountability. To conduct this research, the dissertation employs a qualitative methodology, including documentary analysis and stakeholder interviews, to develop theoretical insights about the abovementioned restructuring possibilities. The dissertation’s findings indicate that without any restructuring, the current governance arrangements concentrate decision-making authority and create information asymmetries that facilitate corruption. Considering the shortcomings of the current business model regarding information asymmetries and concentrated decision-making authority, the analysis indicates that a public-private partnership business model might be best suited to implement accountability through competitive pressures and diversified oversight. With the abovementioned considered, the dissertation contributes exploratory theoretical insights about potential governance-corruption relationships while acknowledging that systematic empirical investigation would be necessary to establish restructuring effectiveness in corruption prevention.Item The idea of the African state in the context of the African RenaissanceMasutha , Neo Bernard (University of Pretoria, 2025-12-01)This mini-dissertation examines the idea of the African state within the context of the African Renaissance. It explores African-ness of the state in Africa – and contends that it is central to achieving the objectives of the African Renaissance project. The study advocates for reconfiguration and re-imagining of the African state as imperative to the Renaissance project. A decolonial theoretical lens which pronounces a decolonial turn; the need to decolonise power, knowledge, and being to reconfigure and restructure the state in Africa – including continental institutions, the African Union and its programmes, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is employed. The decolonial lens is used to expose the global context of coloniality and how the African Renaissance ought to respond to colonial designs that have marginalised the African continent.Item Assessing energy poverty in South Africa: exploring the potential of the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in Curbing the energy crisisNjikho, Ester (University of Pretoria, 2025-11-26)This research provides a critical, theory-grounded analysis of the potential for South Africa’s Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) to address the country’s endemic energy poverty, established as a multidimensional phenomenon. Framed by the theoretical lenses of the Capability Approach (Human Development Theory), Energy Justice, and Good Governance, the study moves beyond a technical assessment to interrogate the political economy of a transition still shaped by apartheid-era inequalities. It seeks to answer the central question: To what extent is the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) designed to address the structural factors of energy poverty in South Africa, and how does its policy framing align with principles of energy justice and good governance? The study employs a qualitative research design, beginning with a comprehensive historical analysis to trace the evolution of energy poverty and its roots in racialised spatial planning and centralised coal dependency. This is followed by a critical analysis of the JETP’s architecture, funding mechanisms, and governance structures. The inquiry is deepened through an examination of international energy transitions, which serve as illustrative examples rather than formal case studies. The central finding is that the JETP, in its current form, is inadequately equipped to dismantle the structures of energy poverty. While the plan allocates significant funds for grid infrastructure and new generation capacity to end load-shedding, its potential is critically undermined by a misalignment with core theoretical principles. Its loan-heavy financing and corporate bias fail the distributive justice and human development tests by risking debt and neglecting affordability. While its technocratic governance marginalises communities, violating procedural justice and its implementation through a compromised Eskom highlights a critical governance deficit. The study concludes that for the JETP to be a vehicle for energy justice, it requires a radical reconfiguration. This necessitates a shift from loans to grants, the decentralisation of power to local actors, and an unwavering focus on transparent, accountable institutions. This dissertation ultimately argues that a just transition in South Africa is not a secondary consideration but the essential precondition for its success, with the JETP serving as a crucial, yet limited, test case for applying energy justice principles in practice.Item Applying Putnam’s two-level game theory to health diplomacy: South Africa’s domestic and international responses to the COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 to 2023Madise, Dikeledi Dorah (University of Pretoria, 2025-11-30)This research is a qualitative review of literature that develops an analytical framework drawn from the key concepts found in Putnam’s theory. The guiding concepts adopted to analyse the interaction between the domestic and international interest in the country’s engagements on health diplomacy include, Level I (international) and Level II (domestic) negotiations, win-sets, reverberations, and defection. The framework led to findings that demonstrate that South Africa’s socioeconomic challenges, political organisations and institutions influenced the country’s win-set both before engagements at the international level, and after said engagements. The research also found that the country leveraged its multilateral and regional relations to expand it win-set, while also asserting itself as a leading middle power state in pursuit of health equity. The study concludes by arguing for the utility of Putnam’s two-level game framework in understanding how states in the global south navigate health diplomacy that requires alignment between interests at the domestic and international level due to the interdependence that exists between the two spheres. This research applies Putnam’s two-level game theory in analysing how South Africa balanced its domestic and international interests during the COVID-19 pandemic spanning from 2020 to 2023. The study explores how domestic pressures ranging from a strained public healthcare system, economic challenges and public opinion played a role in shaping the country’s approach at the international level. Cases such as the TRIPS waiver, COVAX facility, the AU’s AVAT and the bilateral agreement with Cuba on the procurement of Interferon alfa-2b are adopted to demonstrate the complexity of the country’s engagements at the international level influenced by the domestic pressures at Level II.Item African shared values in policy development: outcome of the African Union Transitional Justice PolicyKabwa, Moyowavbo David (University of Pretoria, 2026-02-05)Using an emancipatory critical theory perspective, this thesis explored how African shared values have influenced the development of the African Union Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP). Central to the development of the AUTJP has been its positionality in an African context. The thesis has explored how the AUTJP is the first transitional justice policy that is rooted in an African context, which differentiates it from the European and United Nations transitional justice policies. Specifically, the African shared values encapsulated in the AUTJP include Ubuntu, community, indigenous justice, and restoration. These differ from the values of the EUTJP and the UNTJP, which forefront equality before the law, criminal accountability, and an end to impunity. This study has also shown that from an emancipatory critical theory perspective, an emancipatory agenda is required throughout the entire process to ensure that the outcome of transitional justice is emancipation for marginalised groups, such as youth, by using both formal and informal indigenous mechanisms throughout the peace process. This study defined emancipation as inclusion and used the theories of change that were postulated by Gready and Robins (2020). In particular this study considered the theory of change that spoke to focusing on empowerment and localisation in the development of policy, to emphasise that previously marginalised groups, such as youth, can be better included in transitional justice processes through the use of local indigenous mechanisms on the African continent.Item Peacebuilding through Jus Post Bellum : the case of gender apartheid in AfghanistanDiyanaa , Bennie (University of Pretoria, 2025-08-31)Following the United States' withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban rapidly returned to power, and the reinstatement of a gender apartheid regime swiftly undermined decades of peacebuilding efforts. This study examines the extent to which peacebuilding processes within Afghanistan contributed to the return of gender apartheid. It addresses a critical gap in both peacebuilding and jus post bellum literature regarding gender. Utilising jus post bellum as a theoretical framework, this research analyses the peacebuilding initiatives implemented by the United States in Afghanistan from March 2002 to August 2021. The study adopts Larry May's six primary norms of jus post bellum, namely: rebuilding, retribution, reconciliation, restitution, reparation and proportionality. The study evaluates whether these peacebuilding processes adequately considered gender throughout their implementation. This study adopts a qualitative case study approach, employing secondary sources analysis and thematic analysis. This research investigates the relationship between liberal peacebuilding approaches and women's rights within the Afghan context. The study argues that both peacebuilding and jus post bellum literature suffer from the same fundamental gap: the neglect of gender as a vital dimension in theory and practice. Furthermore, it demonstrates that peacebuilding itself is a gendered process, with the Afghan case serving as a prime example of how the exclusion of gender considerations can undermine long-term peace and stability. The research reveals that despite two decades of international intervention, insufficient attention was paid to ensuring gender-sensitive approaches within peacebuilding structures. This contributed to the vulnerability of women's rights upon the Taliban's return. This study contributes to peacebuilding literature by highlighting the interconnectedness of jus post bellum, peacebuilding phenomena, and women's rights. It emphasises the necessity of incorporating gender into debates surrounding peacebuilding whilst demonstrating how the absence of gender considerations in peacebuilding initiatives can lead to devastating consequences for vulnerable populations, particularly women.Item Mediation as a Preventative Measure Against Unconstitutional Changes of Governement: African Union as a Case StudyKiva, Bulelwa Maureen (University of Pretoria, 2026-01-21)Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG) are a major threat to political stability, democratic governance, economic development, and human rights across Africa. Despite the African Union’s (AU) normative commitment to prevent UCG, the recurrence of military coups and unconstitutional political transitions reveals persistent gaps in its conflict prevention and response mechanisms. This study uses the AU as a case study to investigate the effectiveness of mediation as a preventive strategy against UCG. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives of mediation, conflict prevention and preventive diplomacy, the study analyses the AU’s legal and institutional frameworks, most notably the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The study assesses strengths and weaknesses of AU-led mediation processes and defines implementation challenges. Additionally, the roles of regional economic communities (RECs), the United Nations, and other international actors that complement AU efforts are evaluated. The findings reveal that significant implementation gaps persist, despite the AU’s development of a robust normative framework. These gaps are caused by limited political will, resource constraints, and inconsistent application of the framework’s principles. The study also finds that early warning systems, inclusive dialogue, and sustained diplomatic engagement are critical in preventing UCG. Ultimately, the research concludes that mediation holds substantial preventive potential, but for it to be truly effective in curbing unconstitutional power transitions in Africa, it must be restructured to prioritise early action, local ownership, and political accountability.Item Climate governance in South Africa: challenges, risks and opportunitiesMashao, Tshiamo, K (University of Pretoria, 2025)This mini-dissertation examines the state of climate governance in three diverse South African municipalities, namely the City of Cape Town, eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality (Durban), and Amathole District Municipality. Using a qualitative literature review research approach, this study examines the barriers, potential benefits, and risks associated with inadequate climate adaptation and mitigation at the local government level. The research investigates local governments' responses to climate change through their planning, policies, and implementation. The study reveals significant gaps in governance, including institutional fragmentation, deficits in financial and technical capacity, weak public engagement, and a lack of policy direction. Yet, it also identifies opportunities, including increased intergovernmental collaboration, community-based adaptation, and the mainstreaming of climate strategies (including indigenous knowledge) into municipal development planning. The study also addresses the risks of climate-induced disasters, socio-economic inequalities, and infrastructural vulnerabilities. The results show that climate governance in the city municipalities of Cape Town and eThekwini has been improving but is not adequate yet, especially in rural and low-resourced districts like Amathole. The study concludes by providing practical recommendations for the development of adaptive capacity, policy coherence, and participatory governance, with the intention of enhancing overall resilience. At a more fundamental level, however, the study aims to untangle the complexity of South African climate governance with a view to clarifying the development of more efficient and just climate policies.Item Gratuitous violence: radical black theory and obstetric violence against black women in South AfricaSilinda, Zilungile Nqobile (University of Pretoria, 2025-11-12)This research project provides a critical reading of South African obstetric violence literature. Using radical Black theory, it analyses the frameworks that leading South African and locally based non-South African scholars use to theorise obstetric violence against Black women in the country’s reproductive healthcare settings. I argue that applying radical Black Theory to this literature reveals a gap in the frameworks used by these influential, highly cited, scholars’ – these frameworks fail to capture and account for the gratuitous nature of the violence that Black women are exposed to in these settings. These scholars established that in South Africa, Black women are disproportionately vulnerable to obstetric violence as compared to women from other racial groups. However, they position gender as the primary conceptual category in their theorisations of this vulnerability, modifying it through secondary considerations of race. By adopting the integrative literature review as research methodology and by employing key concepts from radical Black Theory – i.e. social death, gratuitous violence, and natal alienation – in this thesis, I demonstrate how this gendered approach misrecognises obstetric violence as contingent rather than gratuitous. This prevents these scholars’ frameworks from being able to recognise that anti-Black violence is foundational to and constitutive of modern obstetric care institutions. Demonstrating the structural continuity of the historical appropriation of Black women’s reproductive capacities in contemporary obstetric violence, this project proposes that radical Black Theory offers an alternative framework that captures the gratuitous nature of obstetric violence against Black women.Item Negotiating the national self amid past traumas, present power dynamics and future imperial ambition: strategic culture and Russia’s invasion of UkraineDu Plooy, Donavan (University of Pretoria, 2025-08-25)This mini-dissertation examines the context behind Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine through the joint theorisation of strategic culture and ontological security, offering a nuanced alternative to popular neorealist interpretations. Neorealism is constrained by its mono-causality and false assumption of universal rationalism, which fails to account for domestic and ideational drivers of foreign policy. Through an eclectic framework, the mini-dissertation interrogates how Russia’s strategic culture, characterised by geographic vulnerability, historical chauvinism and socio-political paternalism, intersects with its pursuit of ontological security in post-Soviet termporalities to shape aggressive foreign policy. The analysis details how Russia’s post-Soviet ontological security crisis, exacerbated by geopolitical developments and regime insecurity, radicalised Russian national identity and securitised societal discourse, aiding Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian consolidation. Within these dynamics, Ukraine is framed as a key physical and symbolic buffer. To that end, Ukraine became a significant site of ontological (in)security for Russia, where its increasingly centrifugal orientation towards the West threatened the biographical continuity central to Russian regime legitimacy. It is within this context that Russia invaded Ukraine, enacting a vicious circle of aggression that fosters heightened perceptions of insecurity, and circularly draws legitimacy from responding to those perceptions. Situated as a site where Russian chauvinism converges with its besieged fortress mentality and othering of the West, Ukraine provided Russian elites with a space to translate their ontological security seeking into the use of force to affirm their desired great power status.Item Evaluating economic instruments on denuclearization: a study of U.S. economic sanctions on North Korea’s nuclear programZou, Ian Fleming (University of Pretoria, 2025-03-30)This study critically evaluates the effectiveness of economic sanctions in curbing North Korea’s nuclear proliferation ambitions, arguing that their failure stems from both internal and external factors. Having withdrawn from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 2003, North Korea presents a challenge due to its ideological rigidity, totalitarian governance model , and highly centralized economy. The thesis, which uses a realist theoretical framework, applies, cartel theory to examine how North Korea’s internal political structure, which is anchored in Juche and Songun ideology, enables it to resist external economic coercion. The regime has developed illicit economic networks, elite patronage systems, and internal propaganda tools that not only cushion the effects of sanctions, but also turn them into tools of domestic legitimization. Externally, the multilateral sanctions regime is compromised by the inconsistent enforcement of key powers. China’s and Russia’s strategic noncompliance and selective implementation of United Nations (UN) sanctions undermine the cohesion of the United States (US) led “sanctions cartel.” South Korea’s fluctuating engagement policies further complicate regional consensus on how to respond to North Korea’s nuclear ambitions. The study concludes that sanctions alone cannot dismantle North Korea’s nuclear program. Rather than deterring proliferation, they have reinforced regime resilience and nuclear resolve. A hybrid approach combining sanctions with sustained diplomatic engagement and tailored incentives is likely to be more successful. By integrating an analysis of North Korea’s internal dynamics with an assessment of the implications of external geopolitical fragmentation, this research contributes to the literature on the efficacy of economic sanctions as a tool to curb nuclear non-proliferation It further emphasizes the need for context-specific strategies that account for the political, economic, and ideological structure of the target state.Item An assessment of the impact of the United Nations Security Council’s Arms embargo on rebuilding Somalia’s National Armed Forces (2012–2023)Mire, Mohamed Ali (University of Pretoria, 2025-11)ABSTRACT This research set out to investigate how significantly Somalia’s prolonged conflict between 2012 and 2023 has been impacted by the UNSC’s arms embargo on Somalia, specifically in relation to creating an effective and strong SNAF and improving the state’s peace and security. It is argued that a central challenge lies in rebuilding SNAF so that they can assume full responsibility for the country’s security. The study was qualitative, drawing on both secondary and primary sources. The research draws upon a wide range of sources, including archival materials, secondary literature, and extensive fieldwork interviews with Somali policymakers and practitioners. In addition, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with open-ended questions were conducted with 21 former Somali defence and security practitioners and other non-government workers for further interviews or documentation purposes. Furthermore, the study integrated theoretical frameworks such as international relations’ levels of analysis, security dilemma, and Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, culminating in a comprehensive assessment of obstacles to rebuilding a credible national army, accompanied by policy and institutional reform recommendations. The study found that blaming the failure to rebuild SNAF solely on the UNSC’s arms embargo is unfair because the SNAF’s problems are profound and multifaceted. Moreover, the research finds that although the UNSC’s arms embargo on SNAF has contributed to the failure in rebuilding a strong and effective national army, it is not the sole cause. Several other key factors have played a major role, including interference by neighbouring countries, armed non-state actors and anti-government groups, corruption within the SNAF, a dysfunctional federal system and weak security institutions, poor SSR and SSG strategies and difficult living and working conditions for Somali soldiers. Additionally, the absence of a comprehensive peace and reconciliation process, along with incomplete state-building efforts—such as the unfinished constitution—poses significant obstacles to creating a unified, effective national military force in the country. Moreover, the research makes three key contributions to academic debate in the areas of empirical, conceptual and policy ways.
